23rd January 1973:

"Giving Irish Trotskyism a Bad Name"

A letter from the Belfast branch of the Revolutionary Marxist Group to the rest of the organisation over a proposal to change the name from ‘Revolutionary’ to ‘Republican Marxist Group’.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/3161/

Giving Irish Trotskyism a Bad Name (1973) — Revolutionary Marxist Group

Irish Left Archive

New stickers from Éirígí:

1/3 , 2021. Part of Éirígí's housing campaign highlighting corporate ownership of housing.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/6280/

#TrackTheVultures (2021) — Éirígí

Irish Left Archive

Published 22nd January 1973:

"Official Republicans Meet in Dublin: A Step Forward for the Irish Vanguard"

Gerry Foley on the Official Republican Convention in 1972. From Intercontinental Press, the magazine of the Fourth International.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/3237/

Official Republicans Meet in Dublin: A Step Forward for the Irish Vanguard (1973) — Gerry Foley

Irish Left Archive

🎙 New podcast episode:

https://www.leftarchive.ie/podcast/45-one-small-step-by-michael-flavin/

We talk to academic and author Michael Flavin about his novel, One Small Step . Published by Vulpine Press, the novel tells the story of a young boy from a Northern Irish catholic background growing up in Birmingham in the 1970s and the impact of the 1974 Birmingham bombings. We discuss Michael’s own background, coming from an Irish family in Birmingham, which he drew on for the novel, and his research into the Troubles, which also led to publishing the academic article, “Four Typologies of Leadership Applied to a Survey of the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin in the Troubles ”.

Episode 45: One Small Step, by Michael Flavin — Irish Left Archive Podcast

Irish Left Archive

Vulgar cartoon satirising Gardaí / Police

From The Botton Dog in 1976, an unequivocal cartoon accompanying an article listing allegations of police misconduct in the preceding few years.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/view/410/?page=3

View Document: The Bottom Dog, Vol. 3, No. 70

Irish Left Archive

A cartoon showing a circle of police and detectives, each with their trousers down and leaning forward with their face in the arse of the next. One has a pig's head. The drawing is initialled I.K. It is captioned: The Special Branch investigating a case of police brutality.

🎙 New episode of the Irish Left Archive Podcast:

https://www.leftarchive.ie/podcast/45-one-small-step-by-michael-flavin/

We talk to academic and author Michael Flavin about his novel, One Small Step . Published by Vulpine Press, the novel tells the story of a young boy from a Northern Irish catholic background growing up in Birmingham in the 1970s and the impact of the 1974 Birmingham bombings. We discuss Michael’s own background, coming from an Irish family in Birmingham, which he drew on for the novel, and his research into the Troubles, which also led to publishing the academic article, “Four Typologies of Leadership Applied to a Survey of the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin in the Troubles ”.

Episode 45: One Small Step, by Michael Flavin — Irish Left Archive Podcast

Irish Left Archive

"Sinn Féin Philosophy: Revolutionary Or Reformist?"

An article from the first issue of Congress '86, magazine of the League of Communist Republicans (LCR).

The LCR formed among IRA prisoners who resigned following the ending of Sinn Féin's policy of abstention in 1986.

Scanned article reading:

Sinn Féin Philosophy: Revolutionary Or Reformist?

The recent Ard Fheis allowing S.F. delegates if elected to enter and take their seats in Leinster House has left many Republicans and Socialists within the movement and the class as a whole reappraising their role within that movement. The walkout and formation of Republican Sinn Fein is well enough documented elsewhere not to warrant further debate or discussion here. What is worth much more discussion and debate is, in what light should the revolutionary Socialist element view the decision to end abstentionism in particular and Sinn Fein's philosophy as expounded by Sinn Fein in general. It would be a great mistake to try and separate the two, as only when we examine Sinn Fein's philosophy from a materialistic analysis can we truly see the decision to end abstentionism in its true light.

The taking of seats in bourgeois parliaments is generally seen by revolutionaries as a tactical option and is the line most often quoted by those who support the decision to enter Leinster House. The taking of seats in bourgeois parliaments is indeed a tactical option for revolutionaries. However, at this stage it is necessary to point out that sometimes those who call themselves revolutionaries are in fact opportunists and reformists hiding behind revolutionary rhetoric. Irish history affords us the opportunity to analyse those who in the past called themselves revolutionaries and socialists and who took the same path to Leinster House as Sinn Fein are preparing to do at present.

Fianna Fail in the 20's, Clan Na Poblachta in the 40's and The Workers Party (nee Official Sinn Fein) in '69, all these parties have one thing in common, they all claimed that they were only going into Leinster House for tactical reasons and would never never allow themselves to sink into the mire of what passes for politics in the Free-State. History is the final judge and as we all know each of the above mentioned parties not alone sank into the mire but they remerged as staunch upholders and guardians of the status quo as dictated from Leinster House. On hindsight it is easy for us to see that the above mentioned parties were merely opportunists and reformists hiding behind their own particular forms of rhetoric. Tragically the fact remains that at the time many people put their faith and trust in these parties only to have that faith and trust betrayed at a later date.

For those of us who believe that only socialism, only communism can end the ruthless economic exploitation, political oppression and foreign occupation of our country we have a direct obligation to ensure that no such betrayals ever again, by any political party, shall hinder us in our forward march towards a socialist republic.

The marriage between republicanism and socialism has never been a happy one, and could be at best described as a marriage of convenience. The whole question takes on a new sense of urgency in the light of the abstentionist issue and recent remarks made by the President of Sinn Fein Gerry Adams in an interview which appeared in the Irish Times 10/12/86. Mr. Adams stated that “Socialism was not on the agenda” also in his recently published book ‘Politics of Irish Freedom' in which he said "Republican struggle should not at this stage of it's development style itself Socialist Republican as this would imply that there is no place in it for non socialists”. The historical precedent which immediately springs to mind is the now infamous caution of DeValera when he stated that "labour must wait", Not a very encouraging precedent.

In no sense of the word can such an ideology be regarded as revolutionary and clearly must be delegated to the marshy ground of opportunism and reformism. For those of us who believe that if there is to be a revolution there must first be a revolutionary party and that without a revolutionary party built on the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theory and in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary style, it is impossible to lead the working class and the broad masses to victory, the weakness and flaws in the ideology of Sinn Fein are obvious for those with the courage and clarity to see them.

The question now arises, what is to be done? Firstly we learn from history. The old cry don't embarrass Fianna Fail must never be allowed to be converted into the don't embarrass Sinn Fein. It is clear that we as revolutionary socialists must vigorously struggle against all attempts to entrench non socialist ideology in the working class. As revolutionaries it is our duty to expose all flaws and weakness that are inherent. The time comes in the life of any socialist when there remains only two choices, submit or resist.

That time has come for Irish socialists, we shall not submit and we have no choice but to resist. The time has come when the unhappy marriage between republican and revolutionary socialists must be terminated. We must put our faith in the most creative class, the working class and the broad masses. We must set about the task of building a revolutionary party, a party built on the


Marxist/Leninist theory. Then and only then shall we be equipped and capable of leading the working class and masses to victory.
Socialists everywhere must get together, expose, plan organise and build the very defence of our people, our future and our freedom depends on our ability o tackle the tasks ahead.

Comrades let us not be found wanting in the months and years of struggle ahead…

From 1949: “Irish Workers' Road to Freedom”

The Manifesto of the Irish Workersʼ League (IWL).

The IWL (later Irish Workersʼ Party) was formed in the late 1940s in the South, after the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) dissolved during WWII.

In 1970, it merged with the Communist Party of Northern Ireland to re-found the CPI.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/1850/

Irish Workers' Road to Freedom (1949) — Irish Workers' League

Irish Left Archive

Published 18th January 1975:

"The End of the Ceasefire"

Workers' Weekly, from the Workers' Association (part of the British and Irish Communist Organisation), on the short IRA ceasefire in 1974/75.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/347/

Workers' Weekly, Vol. 2, No. 32 (1975) — The Workers' Association

Irish Left Archive

, 17th January 1971:

A press release from Sinn Féin announcing their new Social & Economic Programme.

This is effectively a draft of the Éire Nua policy, which was supported by Sinn Féin into the 1980s, and continued to be supported by Republican Sinn Féin.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/1876/

Press Release from Sinn Féin: New Social and Economic Programme (1971) — Sinn Féin

Irish Left Archive

New document:

Irish Reporter, No. 5, first quarter 1992.

"The Free Press and its Enemies". This issue looks at Section 31 and press coverage.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/6268/

Irish Reporter, No. 5 (1992)

Irish Left Archive

From 1988:

"Sinister Special Branch Operation"

The Proletarian, Paper of the International Socialist League of Ireland (ISLI).

The International Socialist League emerged in the UK from the break-up of the Workers' Revolutionary Party and was associated with Cliff Slaughter.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/506/

The Proletarian, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1988) — International Socialist League of Ireland

Irish Left Archive

@dev@microblog.pub Hey, thanks for including our account in the examples in the readme! Much appreciated.

Getting used to using it now, and I think we've found most of the gaps in our templates... It's great to have such a clean and customisable fediverse software :)

Irish Left Archive shared 16 days ago

The Rights of Man in Ireland, by Sean Cronin, 1969.

Published by the Wolfe Tone Society.

The book seeks to give an overview of the roots of the division in the North and more broadly; and the economic, political and social structures underpinning that division. It also gives an outline of the changing political situation to 1969.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/535/

Sean Cronin: The Rights of Man in Ireland (1969) — Wolfe Tone Society

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive shared 16 days ago

In June 1984, a visit by Ronald Reagan to Ireland was met with widespread protests, with a march on Shannon airport on his arrival, a large “ring around Reagan” protest in Dublin city centre, and the Women’s Peace Camp in the Phoenix Park.

This article from Labour left expresses disappointment at that party's failure to oppose the visit.

A scanned magazine article, reading:

Silence is violence

Nearly seven hundred delegates at the Labour Party Conference voted for a composite motion which called for a boycott of functions and engagements held in connection with President Reagan’s Irish visit. The international committee advocated a similar approach. However, it was defeated by the narrowest of margins.

Speakers from what may be termed the party’s ‘centre’ argued against a boycott. Senators O’Mahoney and Harte having condemned torture, mass murder,violations of international law, the attempts to overthrow a legitimate government (one that is supported by the Socialist International) and all criminal activities sponsored by the Reagan Administration, then turned around and said a boycott wouldn’t look good or was contrary to ‘protocol’. They of course were to later absolve their socialist conscience by personally boycotting the joint session but had helped block Labour taking effective action as a party. This position might be characterised as leading from behind. A majority of the score or more parliamentarians who boycotted Reagan’s Oireachtas speech were Labour Party representatives, yet because we did not lead from the front, a course advocated by the Left and one which would have brought attention to our internationalist philosophy, we failed to offer genuine, as opposed to token, solidarity with the oppressed in the Third World.

At Conference the leadership were given a lifeline in the form of a petition to be given to Reagan which replaced the boycott. Dick Spring we are told fulfilled his obligations in this regard although predictably this exercise did not receive any headlines or photographs nor was it meant to. Spring neither led from the front nor behind but rather played second fiddle to the host, Garret FitzGerald.

Given that nearly 50% of Party wanted a complete boycott and an overwhelming majority showed grave concern at Reagan’s policies one would have expected Spring to give public expression of this anger. Instead his contributions to this media event was laughing and joking with Nancy Reagan at the State Banquet while hundreds of party members marched together outside with thousands of others.
Once again the leadership proved incapable of giving expression to the concerns, aspirations and idealism of young people. Another opportunity missed.

[Image shows a number of people marching in Dublin with the foreground banner reading "Silence is violence". It is captioned: Protestors at anti-Reagan demo.]