Irish Left Archive

@ila@leftarchive.ie

Digital collection of political material from the Irish Left.

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

🎙 New episode of the Irish Left Archive Podcast:

https://www.leftarchive.ie/podcast/45-one-small-step-by-michael-flavin/

We talk to academic and author Michael Flavin about his novel, One Small Step . Published by Vulpine Press, the novel tells the story of a young boy from a Northern Irish catholic background growing up in Birmingham in the 1970s and the impact of the 1974 Birmingham bombings. We discuss Michael’s own background, coming from an Irish family in Birmingham, which he drew on for the novel, and his research into the Troubles, which also led to publishing the academic article, “Four Typologies of Leadership Applied to a Survey of the Provisional IRA and Sinn FĂ©in in the Troubles ”.

Episode 45: One Small Step, by Michael Flavin — Irish Left Archive Podcast

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

"Sinn FĂ©in Philosophy: Revolutionary Or Reformist?"

An article from the first issue of Congress '86, magazine of the League of Communist Republicans (LCR).

The LCR formed among IRA prisoners who resigned following the ending of Sinn FĂ©in's policy of abstention in 1986.

Scanned article reading: Sinn FĂ©in Philosophy: Revolutionary Or Reformist? The recent Ard Fheis allowing S.F. delegates if elected to enter and take their seats in Leinster House has left many Republicans and Socialists within the movement and the class as a whole reappraising their role within that movement. The walkout and formation of Republican Sinn Fein is well enough documented elsewhere not to warrant further debate or discussion here. What is worth much more discussion and debate is, in what light should the revolutionary Socialist element view the decision to end abstentionism in particular and Sinn Fein's philosophy as expounded by Sinn Fein in general. It would be a great mistake to try and separate the two, as only when we examine Sinn Fein's philosophy from a materialistic analysis can we truly see the decision to end abstentionism in its true light. The taking of seats in bourgeois parliaments is generally seen by revolutionaries as a tactical option and is the line most often quoted by those who support the decision to enter Leinster House. The taking of seats in bourgeois parliaments is indeed a tactical option for revolutionaries. However, at this stage it is necessary to point out that sometimes those who call themselves revolutionaries are in fact opportunists and reformists hiding behind revolutionary rhetoric. Irish history affords us the opportunity to analyse those who in the past called themselves revolutionaries and socialists and who took the same path to Leinster House as Sinn Fein are preparing to do at present. Fianna Fail in the 20's, Clan Na Poblachta in the 40's and The Workers Party (nee Official Sinn Fein) in '69, all these parties have one thing in common, they all claimed that they were only going into Leinster House for tactical reasons and would never never allow themselves to sink into the mire of what passes for politics in the Free-State. History is the final judge and as we all know each of the above mentioned parties not alone sank into the mire but they remerged as staunch upholders and guardians of the status quo as dictated from Leinster House. On hindsight it is easy for us to see that the above mentioned parties were merely opportunists and reformists hiding behind their own particular forms of rhetoric. Tragically the fact remains that at the time many people put their faith and trust in these parties only to have that faith and trust betrayed at a later date. For those of us who believe that only socialism, only communism can end the ruthless economic exploitation, political oppression and foreign occupation of our country we have a direct obligation to ensure that no such betrayals ever again, by any political party, shall hinder us in our forward march towards a socialist republic. The marriage between republicanism and socialism has never been a happy one, and could be at best described as a marriage of convenience. The whole question takes on a new sense of urgency in the light of the abstentionist issue and recent remarks made by the President of Sinn Fein Gerry Adams in an interview which appeared in the Irish Times 10/12/86. Mr. Adams stated that “Socialism was not on the agenda” also in his recently published book ‘Politics of Irish Freedom' in which he said "Republican struggle should not at this stage of it's development style itself Socialist Republican as this would imply that there is no place in it for non socialists”. The historical precedent which immediately springs to mind is the now infamous caution of DeValera when he stated that "labour must wait", Not a very encouraging precedent. In no sense of the word can such an ideology be regarded as revolutionary and clearly must be delegated to the marshy ground of opportunism and reformism. For those of us who believe that if there is to be a revolution there must first be a revolutionary party and that without a revolutionary party built on the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theory and in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary style, it is impossible to lead the working class and the broad masses to victory, the weakness and flaws in the ideology of Sinn Fein are obvious for those with the courage and clarity to see them. The question now arises, what is to be done? Firstly we learn from history. The old cry don't embarrass Fianna Fail must never be allowed to be converted into the don't embarrass Sinn Fein. It is clear that we as revolutionary socialists must vigorously struggle against all attempts to entrench non socialist ideology in the working class. As revolutionaries it is our duty to expose all flaws and weakness that are inherent. The time comes in the life of any socialist when there remains only two choices, submit or resist. That time has come for Irish socialists, we shall not submit and we have no choice but to resist. The time has come when the unhappy marriage between republican and revolutionary socialists must be terminated. We must put our faith in the most creative class, the working class and the broad masses. We must set about the task of building a revolutionary party, a party built on the Marxist/Leninist theory. Then and only then shall we be equipped and capable of leading the working class and masses to victory. Socialists everywhere must get together, expose, plan organise and build the very defence of our people, our future and our freedom depends on our ability o tackle the tasks ahead. Comrades let us not be found wanting in the months and years of struggle ahead

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

From 1949: “Irish Workers' Road to Freedom”

The Manifesto of the Irish Workersʌ League (IWL).

The IWL (later Irish Workersʌ Party) was formed in the late 1940s in the South, after the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) dissolved during WWII.

In 1970, it merged with the Communist Party of Northern Ireland to re-found the CPI.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/1850/

Irish Workers' Road to Freedom (1949) — Irish Workers' League

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

Published 18th January 1975:

"The End of the Ceasefire"

Workers' Weekly, from the Workers' Association (part of the British and Irish Communist Organisation), on the short IRA ceasefire in 1974/75.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/347/

Workers' Weekly, Vol. 2, No. 32 (1975) — The Workers' Association

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

, 17th January 1971:

A press release from Sinn FĂ©in announcing their new Social & Economic Programme.

This is effectively a draft of the Éire Nua policy, which was supported by Sinn FĂ©in into the 1980s, and continued to be supported by Republican Sinn FĂ©in.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/1876/

Press Release from Sinn FĂ©in: New Social and Economic Programme (1971) — Sinn FĂ©in

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

New document:

Irish Reporter, No. 5, first quarter 1992.

"The Free Press and its Enemies". This issue looks at Section 31 and press coverage.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/6268/

Irish Reporter, No. 5 (1992)

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

From 1988:

"Sinister Special Branch Operation"

The Proletarian, Paper of the International Socialist League of Ireland (ISLI).

The International Socialist League emerged in the UK from the break-up of the Workers' Revolutionary Party and was associated with Cliff Slaughter.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/506/

The Proletarian, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1988) — International Socialist League of Ireland

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

@dev@microblog.pub Hey, thanks for including our account in the examples in the readme! Much appreciated.

Getting used to using it now, and I think we've found most of the gaps in our templates... It's great to have such a clean and customisable fediverse software :)

Irish Left Archive shared 2 years ago
Catherine Stocker's avatar
Catherine Stocker
@CatzStocker@mastodon.ie

The only way to counteract what's happening with the protesting and intimidation of refugees and asylum seekers accommodation is to get the real voice of our communities out there. If you can join this solidarity demo on Wednesday 5-7pm.
There are lots of reasons to protest and if you want to do so bring it to the Dail, the department of heath, the department of housing but not to the doors of the vulnerable.
#NorthsideForAll
#RefugeesWelcome

Image advertising solidarity demo to say 'Northside Welcomes Refugees' on Wednesday 18th January from 5-7pm at Fairview footbridge.
Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

The Rights of Man in Ireland, by Sean Cronin, 1969.

Published by the Wolfe Tone Society.

The book seeks to give an overview of the roots of the division in the North and more broadly; and the economic, political and social structures underpinning that division. It also gives an outline of the changing political situation to 1969.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/535/

Sean Cronin: The Rights of Man in Ireland (1969) — Wolfe Tone Society

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive shared 2 years ago
Western Exposure's avatar
Western Exposure
@WesternExposure@mastodon.ie

In reply to this post

@ila Proud to say I attended the Dublin protest. (But feelin' rather old now.😬 )

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

In June 1984, a visit by Ronald Reagan to Ireland was met with widespread protests, with a march on Shannon airport on his arrival, a large “ring around Reagan” protest in Dublin city centre, and the Women’s Peace Camp in the Phoenix Park.

This article from Labour left expresses disappointment at that party's failure to oppose the visit.

A scanned magazine article, reading: Silence is violence Nearly seven hundred delegates at the Labour Party Conference voted for a composite motion which called for a boycott of functions and engagements held in connection with President Reagan’s Irish visit. The international committee advocated a similar approach. However, it was defeated by the narrowest of margins. Speakers from what may be termed the party’s ‘centre’ argued against a boycott. Senators O’Mahoney and Harte having condemned torture, mass murder,violations of international law, the attempts to overthrow a legitimate government (one that is supported by the Socialist International) and all criminal activities sponsored by the Reagan Administration, then turned around and said a boycott wouldn’t look good or was contrary to ‘protocol’. They of course were to later absolve their socialist conscience by personally boycotting the joint session but had helped block Labour taking effective action as a party. This position might be characterised as leading from behind. A majority of the score or more parliamentarians who boycotted Reagan’s Oireachtas speech were Labour Party representatives, yet because we did not lead from the front, a course advocated by the Left and one which would have brought attention to our internationalist philosophy, we failed to offer genuine, as opposed to token, solidarity with the oppressed in the Third World. At Conference the leadership were given a lifeline in the form of a petition to be given to Reagan which replaced the boycott. Dick Spring we are told fulfilled his obligations in this regard although predictably this exercise did not receive any headlines or photographs nor was it meant to. Spring neither led from the front nor behind but rather played second fiddle to the host, Garret FitzGerald. Given that nearly 50% of Party wanted a complete boycott and an overwhelming majority showed grave concern at Reagan’s policies one would have expected Spring to give public expression of this anger. Instead his contributions to this media event was laughing and joking with Nancy Reagan at the State Banquet while hundreds of party members marched together outside with thousands of others. Once again the leadership proved incapable of giving expression to the concerns, aspirations and idealism of young people. Another opportunity missed. [Image shows a number of people marching in Dublin with the foreground banner reading "Silence is violence". It is captioned: Protestors at anti-Reagan demo.]
Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

In June 1984, a visit by Ronald Reagan to Ireland was met with widespread protests, with a march on Shannon airport on his arrival, a large “ring around Reagan” protest in Dublin city centre, and the Women’s Peace Camp in the Phoenix Park.

This article from Labour left expresses disappointment at that party's failure to oppose the visit.

A scanned magazine article, reading: Silence is violence Nearly seven hundred delegates at the Labour Party Conference voted for a composite motion which called for a boycott of functions and engagements held in connection with President Reagan’s Irish visit. The international committee advocated a similar approach. However, it was defeated by the narrowest of margins. Speakers from what may be termed the party’s ‘centre’ argued against a boycott. Senators O’Mahoney and Harte having condemned torture, mass murder,violations of international law, the attempts to overthrow a legitimate government (one that is supported by the Socialist International) and all criminal activities sponsored by the Reagan Administration, then turned around and said a boycott wouldn’t look good or was contrary to ‘protocol’. They of course were to later absolve their socialist conscience by personally boycotting the joint session but had helped block Labour taking effective action as a party. This position might be characterised as leading from behind. A majority of the score or more parliamentarians who boycotted Reagan’s Oireachtas speech were Labour Party representatives, yet because we did not lead from the front, a course advocated by the Left and one which would have brought attention to our internationalist philosophy, we failed to offer genuine, as opposed to token, solidarity with the oppressed in the Third World. At Conference the leadership were given a lifeline in the form of a petition to be given to Reagan which replaced the boycott. Dick Spring we are told fulfilled his obligations in this regard although predictably this exercise did not receive any headlines or photographs nor was it meant to. Spring neither led from the front nor behind but rather played second fiddle to the host, Garret FitzGerald. Given that nearly 50% of Party wanted a complete boycott and an overwhelming majority showed grave concern at Reagan’s policies one would have expected Spring to give public expression of this anger. Instead his contributions to this media event was laughing and joking with Nancy Reagan at the State Banquet while hundreds of party members marched together outside with thousands of others. Once again the leadership proved incapable of giving expression to the concerns, aspirations and idealism of young people. Another opportunity missed. [Image shows a number of people marching in Dublin with the foreground banner reading "Silence is violence". It is captioned: Protestors at anti-Reagan demo.]
Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

From 1998, an article from the Workers' Solidarity Movement paper, Anarchist News, on anti-Traveller racism.

The issue is available on our website here: https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/2988/

Anarchist News, No. 17 (1998) — Workers' Solidarity Movement

Irish Left Archive

Few groups or individuals on the left in Ireland understand that the situation of Travellers was until recently the most explicit form of racism in this country. Because Travellers are white, people have difficulty recognising discrimination against them as racism. Travellers are subjected to the most extreme forms of social exclusion and segregation which can only be described as apartheid. They are refused service in pubs, cafes, many shops, launderettes, hairdressers, discos, hotels, cinemas and even some doctors refuse to serve them. At school many Traveller children are taught in totally segregated classes which cater for Traveller children of all ages in the one class. Officially this is done to provide them with a service that respects their nomadic culture. In reality nothing could be further from the truth, which is that it is done in order to discriminate against them more efficiently. Racism is a particular form of domination, exploitation and exclusion. Racism against Travellers and Gypsies is rooted in an ideology of sedentarist superiority. This is the belief that the settled person’s way of life is the modern norm and that nomadism is a throwback to less civilised times. Nomadic people also pose a threat to the values of property ownership and the accumulation of possessions. Racism involves power domination by one group over the other. Because Travellers are such a small minority of the population (0.5% approx) they are totally at the mercy of the settled population. The effects of this racism and exclusion can be graphically seen in the health statistics of the Traveller population. Traveller infants have three times the infant mortality rate of the settled population. Traveller women have a life expectancy that is fifteen years less than their settled counterparts and Traveller men's life expectancy is ten years less than settled men's. They don’t fare any better educationally. Only a handful of Traveller children have made it through second level education and there are still only a tiny number of Travellers nationwide who have completed a third level course. About 80% of the adult population are illiterate and still only about 70% of the primary school age children get to school. Some schools still refuse to take them. These are the statistics of racism
 a group of the population whose health and educational standards are at least 50 years behind that of the rest of the population. Bu the official response to these kinds of statistics is to blame this scandalous situation on Travellers themselves and on their preferred nomadic lifestyle. Racism against Gypsies and Travellers goes back to the time they started migrating from India around the 11th century. It reached its height with the extermination of a quarter of a million Gypsies and Travellers by the Nazis. In Ireland the racism against Travellers is so deep and so all pervasive that few people even recognise it for what it is. In the fight against this racism Travellers themselves and their organisations need to be centrally involved. They must set the agenda, deciding on what issues and how they want to fight. They need the active support of the left, and especially of the trade union movement because they have very little muscle on their own. There have been attempts over the past thirty years at Traveller self-organisation but these organisations were quickly smashed by the state. In 1963 the GardaĂ­ planted explosives on Gratton Puxon, the organiser of the Irish Traveller Community which was becoming a force to be reckoned with. Nearly twenty years later they planted stolen jewellery on Nan Joyce, a leading member of the Traveller-only organisation MincĂ©ir Misli. Nan ran against a racist candidate in Tallaght in the General Election of 1982 and got twice the number of votes as he did. For left wing activists concerned about racism there is plenty of it to fight in relation to Travellers.
Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

"Welcome to Planet Bertie!"

The first issue of Resistance, from the Irish Socialist Network, on the actions of John Gormley as Minister in the Green Party's first coalition government.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/3785/

Resistance, No. 1 (2007) — Irish Socialist Network

Irish Left Archive

Welcome to Planet Bertie! "The biggest issue I have had to deal with in my first few days of office has been the M3 motorway. I spent all day Friday, right up to 11pm, Saturday morning and even parts of Sunday talking to archaeologists and legal people. I phoned the Attorney General at his home on Saturday. The official legal advice confirms that my hands are tied in this instance, despite what certain opposition parties are claiming." Green TD and Minister John Gormley, writing in his blog on Monday, 18 June. Ah yes, as Homer Simpson famously said, if something's hard to do, it's not worth trying, despite what "certain" opposition parties might say. Expect more of the same from Minister Gormley. The Green Party, for example, is now fully backing the government's policy of co-location, the divisive neo-liberal plan to allow private health facilities on the grounds of public hospitals. As for Shannon
 ah now, boys and girls, his hands are tied! Sure, 'tis only a war. [Image of John Gormley, captioned: John Gormley of the Green Party stares into the abyss.]
Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

Great to see that the very useful archive of The Worker, later Socialist Worker — the newspaper of the Socialist Workers’ Movement (SWM) and Socialist Workers’ Party (SWP) — has been further expanded.

It now includes scans of the first volume of the paper from 1972–1977, when it ceased publication during the period in which the SWM joined the Socialist Labour Party (SLP); and the second volume, which ran from 1980–1984.

The site is working towards adding the remaining issues from the 1980s, which would make it a near-complete archive of the paper from 1972–2018.

https://issuu.com/swonline

swonline Publisher Publications - Issuu

issuu.com

A screenshot showing the Socialist Worker Online archive website, featuring cover images of issues from the 1970s.
Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

"The Plight of the Un-Married Mother, by One of Them"

From 1970, an article in Irish Socialist, newspaper of the Communist Party of Ireland.

It outlines a first-hand account of the experience of pregnant women subjected to the abuses of "mother and baby homes" run, with state support, by the Catholic church.

THE two articles on un-married mothers in this paper a short time ago prompted me to write about some of my experiences as an un-married mother. I come from a small town in the West. When my parents found out I was pregnant they rushed me off to the parish priest, who immediately demanded I marry the fellow. Neither I or my parents wanted this 50 then he said I was to go away to relations living away until he could fix me up in a home. So I went away and about a month later went into a home in Co. Tipperary. I did not have to pay any money as the County Council payed the normal grant which was sent straight to the nuns. My parents drove me there one Sunday and I remember well the Reverend Mother saying “Do not worry, she will be a different girl when she gets out”. I did not guess at the time how long it would be until T “got out”. When my parents left I was shown my bed in a dormitory and was given the first of many brainwashing sessions (because I was crying). This consisted of telling me that I was just a slut and not worthy of anything decent and that I should be extremely thankful and grateful that this home had taken me in, this continued in many different ways the whole time I was there and I believed it, forgetting as the nuns seemed to that they were being amply paid by the County Council. WORK The next morning I was put to work. The home was without any paid help, all the work was done by the mothers and the mothers-to-be. Some were put in the kitchen, some in the laundry, some used to sweep and wash the floors and some, if they were trained, were put in the office to type letters and answer the phone. I was put in the kitchen. We had to get breakfast, dinner, and supper for 100 people. I settled down to my new situation and prepared myself to put up the loneliness of being away from home. I was prepared to put up with it but I was determined to write to my parents and tell them just how different the nuns were when they left. COULD NOT LEAVE So I wrote my letter and asked where I could post it. I was told that I could not go out to the post box in the town nearby, in fact I could not leave the convent grounds. So I asked how was I to post it. I was told “Hand it in to the Reverend Mother and when someone went into town they would post it. I went and gave it to the Reverend Mother, ten minutes later she sent for me. When I went into her office there was my letter on the table, opened and obviously read. Before I had a chance to protest she told me that I couldn’t send that letter and that I would have to write another one that showed the home in a better light. This I refused to do and then she told me that if I didn’t she would hold all the letters that were sent to me so I agreed to re-write it. When I returned with the second letter, she opened it and read it and then told me that it still wasn't good enough. In the end she stood over me and told me what to write. This letter was duly posted. When the reply came my parents said that they were glad that I was so happy and that my letter had put their minds at ease. When I told one of the other girls about all this she told me that every one went through the same thing when they first came. She also told me that she had complained to her parents when they came to visit her. Her parents went to the Reverend Mother and she told them that all the new girls went through that stage and that it would be better if they did not visit their daughter until she got over it, she said she would send for them when she thought the time was ripe. So they left thinking that their daughter was in understanding hands and they were not sent for until the girl had promised to be ‘good”. When I heard that I realised that [there] was no way out but to keep my mouth shut and try to make the best of it.
Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

in our January activist interview for the Irish Left Archive Podcast, we spoke to left activist, Vincent Doherty.

We discuss his politicisation growing up in Derry; his role in the Derry Republican movement and perspective on the Officials and the divisions which led to the formation of the IRSP; his work with the IMG and Troops Out Movement in England; joining Peoples' Democracy and his central role in the H-Blocks campaign during the 1981 hunger strikes; his move towards Sinn FĂ©in and the influence of People’s Democracy; and his perspective on the contemporary left in Ireland.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/podcast/44-vincent-doherty-offical-sinn-fein-international-marxist/

Episode 44: Vincent Doherty: Offical Sinn FĂ©in, International Marxist Group, Troops Out, People's Democracy, H-Block Committee, Sinn FĂ©in — Irish Left Archive Podcast

Irish Left Archive

Irish Left Archive shared 2 years ago
Sam Vardy's avatar
Sam Vardy
@samvardy@mastodon.lol

Hi, call for contributions to a research project on the “Border-Busters” in Ireland.
We are looking for stories/photos/films/media referring to “Border Busters”/“Days of Action” during the Troubles in Ireland for a BA/Leverhulme funded research project.
Reply or DM for more info and/or please share in your networks if you can. Thanks!
#borderIreland #borderbusters #daysofaction

Irish Left Archive's avatar
Irish Left Archive
@ila@leftarchive.ie

Published 11th January 1995:

Northern Ireland Report, No. 21

Northern Ireland Report was published by an ad hoc group of individuals in the United States who, while close to Sinn FĂ©in, were critical of it, and particularly so during the developing Peace Process. Their position would have been strongly left of centre. One aspect of their goal was to produce a publication which was different from the more conservative leaning publications issued in the US which were sympathetic to Irish republicanism.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/3290/

Northern Ireland Report, No. 21 (1995)

Irish Left Archive