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16th October 1968, a referendum to remove proportional representation in favour of majoritarianism was held in the Republic of Ireland.

The referendum was rejected by 60% of voters.

Below is a poster from the Labour party from the campaign.

A scan of a poster with red and black text on a white background, reading: WARNING!
The straight vote is crooked - so vote
NO!
This warning is issued by The Labour Party
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14th of October 1967:

Labour party leader Brendan Corish delivered his "New Republic" speech, famously opening with “the seventies will be Socialist”.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/calendar/on-this-day/10/14/#event-5538

On This Day, 14th October

Irish Left Archive

Scanned cover of the published edition of The New Republic. The text reads: Complete text of The New Republic address by Brendan Corish, T.D., Leader of the Labour Party. The cover features the starry plough on a blue background, positioned within a larger green rectangle.
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27th June 1998:

Does Ireland Need a “New Labour”?

An address by Dr. Pat Upton, T.D. to the Tom Johnson Summer School, Dunmore East, Co. Waterford.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/518/

Does Ireland Need a “New Labour”? (1998) — Labour

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26th June 1971, the Labour party dissolved the Fintan Lalor branch in Dublin North Central due to membership of the Socialist Labour Alliance.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/calendar/on-this-day/06/26/#event-4513

On This Day, 26th June

Irish Left Archive

Labour News Bulletin, July 1971, on the dissolution of the Fintan Lalor branch and expulsion of Paddy Healy for membership of the Socialist Labour Alliance.
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Two Irish general elections occurred , 6th June, in 1977 and 1997.

Here' the Socialist Party of Ireland's (SPI) Advance magazine profiling their candidate Eamonn O'Brien in 1977. The SPI went on to merge with the Democratic Socialist Party in the early 1980s, which ultimately merged with Labour in 1990. (It is not related to the current Socialist Party).

And from 1997, an analysis from Labour's Emmet Stagg in TILT of Labour's losses in that election (the party lost 16 TDs, going from 32 to 17).

https://www.leftarchive.ie/calendar/on-this-day/06/06/

On This Day, 6th June

Irish Left Archive

Front cover of Advance, No. 25, from the Socialist Party of Ireland, with the headline: General Election 1977; O Brien, Eamonn: Your Socialist Party TD for Ballymun and North County Dublin
Extracts from an article from Labour's TILT magazine headlined: No Disaster: Emmet Stagg Puts '92/'97 in Context
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28th May 1912, the Irish Labour Party was founded by James Connolly, James Larkin and William O'Brien as the political arm of the Irish Trades Union Congress (ITUC).

https://www.leftarchive.ie/organisation/210/

Labour

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The logo of Labour: a white starry plough on a red background.
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For an overview of materials from the British left on Ireland, we've gathered documents from several strands – including Labour, Trotskyist groups, CPGB and other communists, Maoists, SPGB and others – in this document collection: https://www.leftarchive.ie/collection/2835/

Document Collection: The British Left on Ireland

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Here's an interview with Michael D. Higgins in Gralton, from 1982, in which he is asked about the prospects for the Irish left, his opposition to coalition with Fine Gael (FG), and the role of Labour as a vehicle for the left.

He also expresses opposition to expelling Militant (who were eventually expelled in the late 80s and are now the Socialist Party), and comments on the then recently dissolved Socialist Labour Party (SLP).

Higgins was Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht in the 1993 FG, Labour and Democratic Left coalition, and has been President of Ireland since 2011.

Scanned text from a magazine, reading: Gralton: How is your own mind make up on electoral strategy?

I believe that for the immediate years ahead, the need is to identify the Labour Party by establishing socialist policies on the economy, on women, on education and so on. In order to do that, and to take our place as the leader of the left, we need to be independent, and the Labour Party therefore should stay out of any cabinet for the immediate years ahead. We would be in a different situation if the major parties had broken up, or the Labour Party had increased its strength and had thirty or forty seats.
Scanned text from a magazine, reading: Gralton: Speaking of Britain, there are moves in the British Labour Party to expel the Militant. Are you concerned about the activities of the Irish Militant?

No, I'm not concerned. Many people believe I'm a member or supporter of the Militant, but I'm neither. 1 accept that people have a right to work for different positions within the Labour Party. I don’t believe in the expulsion or proscription of tendencies. I'd want to deal with them by argument. From the things I've read about the British Militant, I don’t agree with the tactics they seem to have used in some constituencies.

People in different countries are asking what form of socialism will be appropriate in the twentieth century and the twenty-first century. We must have the courage to go beyond existing models, I met Trotskyists recently who said you couldn’t have a socialist revolution in Nicaragua because there was no revolutionary socialist party — and I heard the same argument from an official in Russia. Socialism is a philosophy and a theory of action that must be put into effect in different historical circum- ... [continued in next image]

[Scanned text, continued from previous image] ...circumstances. We’ve no right to put a limit on the forms of socialism. I'm not a vague ethical socialist, now. We have to win the economy, that’s of crucial importance.But there are other things like taking action on disarmament, on ecology.

Many people will make a contribution to socialist thought after Marx, Lenin and Trotsky. The world didn’t stop on one day in Mexico. I'm not speaking of course about diluting socialism, I'm not talking of some vague form of social democracy. We have to take account of the circumstances, the phenomena in any particular . place. In Ireland we're operating within the European context. We're a small open economy dominated by foreign capital. We're undeveloped within that context rather than in a Third World context.
Scanned text from a magazine, reading: 
Gralton: Looking at the track record of the left in the Labour Party, isn't the principled left becoming smaller and smaller?

Not at all. There's been fresh blood coming in, and former members have been coming back. The folding-up of the SLP [Socialist Labour Party] removes one of the obstacles to people coming back: they were people of undoubted principle but their leaving of the Labour Party was a bad tactic. We're now on the brink of a majority position in the Labour Party: with them in, and others, we'd be much more sure.
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In June 1984, a visit by Ronald Reagan to Ireland was met with widespread protests, with a march on Shannon airport on his arrival, a large “ring around Reagan” protest in Dublin city centre, and the Women’s Peace Camp in the Phoenix Park.

This article from Labour left expresses disappointment at that party's failure to oppose the visit.

A scanned magazine article, reading:

Silence is violence

Nearly seven hundred delegates at the Labour Party Conference voted for a composite motion which called for a boycott of functions and engagements held in connection with President Reagan’s Irish visit. The international committee advocated a similar approach. However, it was defeated by the narrowest of margins.

Speakers from what may be termed the party’s ‘centre’ argued against a boycott. Senators O’Mahoney and Harte having condemned torture, mass murder,violations of international law, the attempts to overthrow a legitimate government (one that is supported by the Socialist International) and all criminal activities sponsored by the Reagan Administration, then turned around and said a boycott wouldn’t look good or was contrary to ‘protocol’. They of course were to later absolve their socialist conscience by personally boycotting the joint session but had helped block Labour taking effective action as a party. This position might be characterised as leading from behind. A majority of the score or more parliamentarians who boycotted Reagan’s Oireachtas speech were Labour Party representatives, yet because we did not lead from the front, a course advocated by the Left and one which would have brought attention to our internationalist philosophy, we failed to offer genuine, as opposed to token, solidarity with the oppressed in the Third World.

At Conference the leadership were given a lifeline in the form of a petition to be given to Reagan which replaced the boycott. Dick Spring we are told fulfilled his obligations in this regard although predictably this exercise did not receive any headlines or photographs nor was it meant to. Spring neither led from the front nor behind but rather played second fiddle to the host, Garret FitzGerald.

Given that nearly 50% of Party wanted a complete boycott and an overwhelming majority showed grave concern at Reagan’s policies one would have expected Spring to give public expression of this anger. Instead his contributions to this media event was laughing and joking with Nancy Reagan at the State Banquet while hundreds of party members marched together outside with thousands of others.
Once again the leadership proved incapable of giving expression to the concerns, aspirations and idealism of young people. Another opportunity missed.

[Image shows a number of people marching in Dublin with the foreground banner reading "Silence is violence". It is captioned: Protestors at anti-Reagan demo.]
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@ila@leftarchive.ie

In June 1984, a visit by Ronald Reagan to Ireland was met with widespread protests, with a march on Shannon airport on his arrival, a large “ring around Reagan” protest in Dublin city centre, and the Women’s Peace Camp in the Phoenix Park.

This article from Labour left expresses disappointment at that party's failure to oppose the visit.

A scanned magazine article, reading:

Silence is violence

Nearly seven hundred delegates at the Labour Party Conference voted for a composite motion which called for a boycott of functions and engagements held in connection with President Reagan’s Irish visit. The international committee advocated a similar approach. However, it was defeated by the narrowest of margins.

Speakers from what may be termed the party’s ‘centre’ argued against a boycott. Senators O’Mahoney and Harte having condemned torture, mass murder,violations of international law, the attempts to overthrow a legitimate government (one that is supported by the Socialist International) and all criminal activities sponsored by the Reagan Administration, then turned around and said a boycott wouldn’t look good or was contrary to ‘protocol’. They of course were to later absolve their socialist conscience by personally boycotting the joint session but had helped block Labour taking effective action as a party. This position might be characterised as leading from behind. A majority of the score or more parliamentarians who boycotted Reagan’s Oireachtas speech were Labour Party representatives, yet because we did not lead from the front, a course advocated by the Left and one which would have brought attention to our internationalist philosophy, we failed to offer genuine, as opposed to token, solidarity with the oppressed in the Third World.

At Conference the leadership were given a lifeline in the form of a petition to be given to Reagan which replaced the boycott. Dick Spring we are told fulfilled his obligations in this regard although predictably this exercise did not receive any headlines or photographs nor was it meant to. Spring neither led from the front nor behind but rather played second fiddle to the host, Garret FitzGerald.

Given that nearly 50% of Party wanted a complete boycott and an overwhelming majority showed grave concern at Reagan’s policies one would have expected Spring to give public expression of this anger. Instead his contributions to this media event was laughing and joking with Nancy Reagan at the State Banquet while hundreds of party members marched together outside with thousands of others.
Once again the leadership proved incapable of giving expression to the concerns, aspirations and idealism of young people. Another opportunity missed.

[Image shows a number of people marching in Dublin with the foreground banner reading "Silence is violence". It is captioned: Protestors at anti-Reagan demo.]
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"Bright Prospects for Council of Labour"

From 1967, an article from Labour ('Official Organ of the Labour Party'), on cooperation between the Labour party, Northern Ireland Labour Party and Republican Labour Party.

https://www.leftarchive.ie/document/view/292/?page=3

View Document: Labour, Vol. 1, Nos. 5-6 - Labour

Irish Left Archive

Scanned article reading: Bright Prospects for Council of Labour  The three Labour Parties in Ireland have been meeting since April with a view to establishing a Council of Labour. Representatives of the Labour Party, the Northern Ireland Labour Party and the Republican Labour Party held meetings in Leinster House and Stormont to exchange views on the methods of working closer together.  A working party consisting of two members from each party has been meeting all Summer hammering out the details of the Council’s proposed constitution. It is now believed that significant progress has been made in achieving agreement on the main points of difference,  If all goes well and the three party executives approve of the working party's proposals it is possible that the Council could get off the ground by the end of Autumn.  The purpose of the Council of Labour will be to provide an official form of liaison between the three parties who have been ploughing lone furrows to-date. The basic objective of the Council is to put socialist parties in power in Ireland.  Membership of the Council will not involve any loss of party independence or any compromise on principals such as Partition. Every party will agree to respect the other’s opinion. However, the parties will expect to gain considerably from joint action on matters such as the effects of EEC membership on the whole of Ireland.